Israel's
Right to Be Israel
August
24, 2003
Washington
Post; Page B07
By Daniel Ayalon
Last month, while welcoming Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
to the White House, President Bush stated that "America is
firmly committed to the security of Israel as a Jewish state."
But sadly, many of Israel's neighbors and even our partners in peace
are not yet willing to accept the legitimacy of Israel as the historical
homeland of the Jewish people and the political expression of Jewish
national self-determination.
In
accepting the road map, which leads to a two-state solution, the
government of Israel formally raised this issue. We asked that the
process include recognition of Israel's right to exist as a Jewish
state and the waiver of the Palestinian demand for Palestinian refugees
to settle in Israel.
The
logic of this is clear. If the road map does eventually succeed
- if the Palestinian leadership decisively and consistently acts
against terror - it should create relations that will result in
a peaceful, democratic Palestinian state accepted by Israel. This
state will be the political expression of Palestinian national self-determination.
Israelis have the right to expect this same acceptance from their
neighbors, from those who are to be considered our partners in peace.
For without this acceptance, the Palestinians striving to force
Israel into receiving millions of Palestinian refugees are seeking
to undermine Israel's character as a democratic Jewish state. This
is not a two-state solution. This is the Palestinians saying that
our state is ours, and yours is ours too.
Of
course, there are those who say that the refugee issue is a final
status issue to be discussed only at the very end of peace talks.
Yet, so, too, was the issue of Palestinian statehood. The international
community has made a decision to move up the statehood issue to
the interim stage, Phase II of the road map. Similarly, Israel is
entitled to have this matter of existential importance moved forward.
The
truth is that the Palestinian demand to return the refugees to Israel
is without legal or moral basis. It must be remembered that the
Palestinian refugee problem resulted from an Arab-Palestinian war
of aggression launched against the newborn Jewish state. The Arab
leadership refused to accept the U.N. partition and refused to accept
Israel. Therefore, Israel's War of Independence in 1948 created
the ensuing flow of refugees. Surely the Arab leadership has primary
moral responsibility for these individuals.
In
the turbulent years following World War II, millions of people across
the globe became refugees. In Europe the new postwar borders turned
millions of Poles and Germans into refugees. In South Asia the partition
of the Indian subcontinent displaced millions. Hundreds of thousands
of Jewish refugees, including my own family, fled their homes in
the Arab world leaving behind their property and belongings.
Today
Europe does not have a German or Polish refugee problem, and the
Indian subcontinent is not plagued with a refugee issue. Israel
has successfully integrated more than 2 million refugees. Why has
the same process of healing not occurred with Palestinian refugees?
Why today in the Middle East do the descendants of the people who
fled their homes in 1948 still suffer in refugee camps?
The
unfortunate truth is that over the past 50 years, the Arab governments
and the Palestinian leadership have acted to thwart efforts to resettle
the refugees, leaving them to suffer in miserable conditions. Even
the Palestinian Authority has been unwilling to eliminate the refugee
camps in the areas under its control in the West Bank and Gaza and
resettle their residents. Obviously, this has been part of a deliberate
policy to keep the refugee issue alive as a political weapon against
Israel.
In
a deliberate perpetuation of this tragedy, U.N. General Assembly
Resolution 194 has been repeatedly misused, misread and misrepresented
as the legal basis to oppose practical steps designed to help the
refugees.
Contrary
to the myth that surrounds it, that resolution does not proclaim
a "right of return." It must be remembered that the Arab
bloc at the United Nations actually voted against the resolution.
The Palestinian leadership rejected it precisely because it called
for peace and reconciliation with Israel. After 50 years, retroactively
selecting sentences from a dated U.N. General Assembly resolution,
one that has been made irrelevant by Arab opposition, just to serve
a specific position, cannot be allowed after everything else has
been rejected.
Recently,
when a Palestinian pollster discovered that most Palestinian refugees
have no actual desire to live in Israel, his offices were ransacked
by a violent mob. That mob apparently refused to accept a simple
reality: Israel will continue to thrive as a Jewish state. Palestinians
can also choose the path that will lead to peace and the creation
of a democratic state for their people. It is time for the rest
of the international community to echo President Bush's remarks
calling on the Arab states and the Palestinians to accept Israel's
right to exist as a Jewish state. Surely, such acceptance would
be the most effective confidence-building measure.
©
2003 The Washington Post Company
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The writer is Israel's ambassador to the United States.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A34480-2003Aug22.html